Kar Shalmaneser was an important provincial capital in the network that was the Neo-Assyrian Empire and it became a bustling commercial centre; perhaps providing goods to Assur, as well as participating in trade with other regions. Not much is known about the identity of the merchants but it is possible that at least some of the trade was in private hands.
Some of the wealthier families of Assur in the Neo-Assyrian period followed the palace in maintaining their own industrial workshops. Dr Nicholas Postgate suggests that “It would not be an innovation: in Old and Middle Assyrian Assur a large household might employ a number of weavers – probably mostly female slaves – producing their own cloth for commercial purposes, and there is no obvious reason why this should not have continued into the first millennium as well”.
Is it possible that the production of textiles in Hanni’s workshop represents a commercial enterprise?
In the baked clay tablets found at Tell Ahmar, Hanni does seem to be a person with significant wealth, is engaged with business dealings and in contact with the Assyrian administration. Three of the documents indicate that he acts as a creditor, lending silver with interest. He has a number of workers at his disposal, slaves both male and female which he purchased, and the texts which describe a list of rations may refer to these people.
Two of the texts from Til Barsib are standard Neo-Assyrian contracts referring to the sale of slaves (geme). In one a woman is transferred to Hanni’s household; another describes the purchase of a man or group of persons. In tablet 8 the slave-girl is mentioned by name, Nannaya. Another text records a register of goods rationed to the workers, who presumably lived within the complex, and fed and clothed themselves from these rations. A hearth was found in Room XI, Hanni’s workshop, while large quantities of cooking and simple wares were recovered from this area. It seems probable that the status of the textile workers had limited freedom and property of their own. Instead, they lived and worked in the workshop.
No details are known from the texts of the identity or ethnicity of the workers at Hanni’s establishment. They may be victims of war (or the descendants of such). They may have been born into slavery and purchased by Hanni from other slave holders. Or they may have been sold into slavery by their families. Unfortunately there is no explicit information about their origin.
The figurine makers must have had access to a source of clay. As clay is the predominant fabric for loom weights, it is clear that the textile workers, who, it must be assumed, produced their own unbaked clay loom weights, were able to use the clay sources for the figurines. Likewise, the plainer cooking-pot wares found in concentrated quantities in Rooms I and II of Hanni’s house and in those rooms of Hanni’s workshop where textile manufacture took place, were probably made by slave workers who lived and operated in these parts of Hanni’s establishment. The numerous ovens found in the main courtyard and within many rooms may have been utilised for firing of both the ceramics and the figurines, as well as in the processing of foods.
Although the texts found at Tell Ahmar do not explicitly state that the women bought and owned by Hanni were engaged in weaving, it is very probable that the textiles produced in buildings associated with him were the product of female labour. Female slaves were often assigned this task. It is possible, though speculative, that the elite ladies of Hanni’s household (if any were present) were responsible for the production of certain household textiles particularly those for interior decoration or personal use. It is very plausible that the female slaves in the workshop were used in the textile manufacturing process, perhaps on an industrial rather than domestic scale.
So, if my conclusions are right, that the female, enslaved textile workers were making the figurines, why would they?
What do you think?
Postgate, N. 1987. “Employer, employee and employment in the Neo-Assyrian Empire”, in MA Powell (ed) Labor in the Ancient Near East, New Haven: American Oriental Society Series 68, pp.257-270.
From earliest times in the Near East, women were the producers of cloth for garments and usage inside the home. In ancient Mesopotamia activities relating to the production of cloth were ideologically linked with women and femininity. Some archaeologists suggest that increasing poverty due to the annexation of privately owned land left many families and women in particular, with no choice but to offer themselves for employment within (or be sent to) these powerful estates. Women were the acceptable labour force for the production of textiles as there was, within Mesopotamia, an ideology that linked women and cloth.
There are few representations of textile workers in the archaeological record of archaic Mesopotamia and the ones we do have are difficult to interpret. Figures are not always clearly depicted, and sometimes the types of activities are not always obvious. Objects such as cylinder seals, sculpture and other art forms all indicate those involved with textile production were women.
A number of 4th millennium cylinder seal impressions from Susa depict women undertaking a number of different tasks, including weaving: for example a woman with long hair tied back seated on a stool with her legs tucked under her, before a warping frame.
Early evidence for spinning includes a figurative scene on a vessel from Tell Agrab dating to the early 3rd millennium. Three figures are shown, and although neither their gestures nor their identity are clear, it is quite possible that they each hold a ball of unspun fibre in their right hand, from the base of which emerges a stick which could be interpreted as a spindle. Shown in silhouette, their body shape is feminine with narrow waists and rather wide hips.
A 2nd millennium mosaic plaque depicting pairs of spinners from Mari indicates that women worked in groups to wind the spun thread onto each others’ hands.
On a 1st millennium relief from Susa, a noble woman with highly embroidered clothes, an elaborate hairstyle and wearing a number of bracelets spins thread using a high-whorl spindle. She is perched on a stool, one leg tucked under the other, similar to the position shown on the much earlier Susa seal impression.
From a grave of 8th to 7th century Marash comes an Aramaic relief showing a woman seated on a backed chair, holding up a spindle upon which is wound a length of thread. A smaller figure stands facing her, and is identified as a scribe.
Pictorial evidence from Egypt and the Aegean also strongly indicates that in ancient times spinning and weaving were activities associated with women.
A number of Athenian vases depict women spinning, using dropped, low-whorl spindles as well as weaving on warp weighted looms.
The uniqueness of each Tell Ahmar figurines with their personal features of ornamentation, hairstyle and the presence or absence of a child suggests individual manufacture within figurine-making conventions.
In the absence of solid evidence to the contrary, it appears most likely that the figurines, found in an industrial context, belong to the material culture of the people involved in this work. Workers involved with fabric manufacture in the ancient Near East were women.
I believe that the figurines from Iron Age Tell Ahmar represent a class of objects created by female textile workers and that the figurines were used to make a statement about the social structures that characterised their lives.
A very good question…
Tablets from Tell Ahmar tell us that workers were bought by Hanni to presumably to labour in his Workshop and likely in his private quarters as well. We don’t know the ethnicity of these workers, unfortunately, though it is my belief that because the objects they used were found amongst the figurines (which are of a local manufacture and style), that it is at least possible that the workers were also local.
In her study of the textile industry of the Ur III period (3rd millennium BCE), Dr Rita Wright concludes that the status of the female weavers employed by temple and state workshops was that of chattel slaves or semi-free workers without land.
These workers are referred to as either geme, who were legally dependent persons forced to work as weavers or millers or sag, which denotes a person who is a slave. Geme are wholly state property and slaves who work in temple or palace workshops should be referred to as ‘dependent workers’, while those in private ownership have the status of ‘chattel slave’. A distinction was made between geme who were employed in agricultural tasks and those involved in domestic chores, including weaving.
As semi-free or enslaved workers, it is very unlikely that they owned any land. Instead they were most likely paid in food rations, which for female workers was among the lowest distributed. Wright also suggests that these women had little family life; they are listed by name only, rather than being described as ‘wife of…’, and their children are termed orphans at their death, further implying that the women were not married.
Recruitment of workers came from two sources: families in poverty who paid their debts by selling kin into slavery; and populations of regions captured in war. Several texts from Mari mention women who are recorded as female prisoners of war taken from a place named Kulmish, captured by Zimri Lim. Among the prisoners were groups of priestesses known as ugbabatum, who were spared the indignity of the textile factory to which most of the women were sent. It is likely that the temple and palace workers were the most marginalised group within Mesopotamian society. Either disenfranchised by their family or alienated from society as deported foreigners, these women had few rights or opportunities.
The rise of the temple and palace-based factories in the 3rd millennium in Mesopotamia, effected increasing power of these institutions over the former kin-based industry. The large scale factories were to become the model for 2nd millennium enterprises throughout Greater Mesopotamia. Vast numbers of people, both free officials and semi- or wholly-dependent workers, spent their lives producing the textiles for the internal consumption of these immense households and for the external trade upon which the economy was based.
The factory at Guabba is estimated to have had over six thousand workers, while that of Ur had approximately nine thousand, and that the industrial workshops of the 2nd millennium, such as Assur, Mari and Alalakh continued to employ large workforces. Numbers of workers, if not explicitly stated in the records, may be calculated through examination of ration lists. Workers, often slaves, were given quantities of food such as barley and oil, as well as cloth with which to make their own garments, and were apparently housed within the factory complex. According to documents from Mari, an official named Mukannisum, presiding over gangs of textile workers, was responsible for producing the textiles to clothe one hundred to three hundred palace workers.
The bodies of female slaves were available sexually to their owner; if a man other than her owner has intercourse with a slave, that man was perceived to have committed a crime against the owner rather than against the slave herself. The concept of ‘rape’ was unknown because slaves were not considered legal persons. Children born to slaves were also considered the property of the slave owner.
In the city of Lagash during the Ur III period the number of male children in the workshops was always less than female children, suggesting that boys were purposely excluded from the weaving workshops. Men also did not seem to take part in the actual activities of textile manufacture, though they may have had a dominant, supervisory role. The administration of wool production at temple workshops of the Ur III period involved the employment of male overseers who were provided with the raw materials for processing and were accountable for these and the output of the slave-girls in their teams. The supervisors of gangs of female weavers are sometimes recorded under a term gala which may be used in references to men who were feminine in some way.
Diakonoff, IM. 1976.”Slaves, helots an serfs in early antiquity”, in J. Harmatta and G. Komoroczy (eds) Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft im Alten Vorderasian, Budapest: Academiai Kidao, pp.46-78.
Englund, RK. 1991. “Hard work: where will it get you? Labor Management in Ur III Mesopotamia”, in Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 50, pp.255-280.
Jacobsen, T. 1970. “On the textile industry at Ur under Ibbi-Sin”, in WL Moran (ed), Toward the Image of Tammuz and other Essays on Mesopotamian History and Culture, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.
Maekawa, K. 1980. “Female weavers and their children in Lagash – pre-Sargonic and Ur III”, in Acta Sumerologica, No.2.
Postgate, N. 1987. “Employer, employee and employment in the Neo-Assyrian Empire”, in MA Powell (ed) Labor in the Ancient Near East, New Haven: American Oriental Society Series 68.
Wright, RP. 1996. “Technology, gender and class; worlds of difference in Ur III Mesopotamia” in RP Wright (ed), Gender and Archaeology, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, pp.79-110.